Childbearing and child-rearing supporting system set up in China, with maternity leave extended to 158 days or longer

China has established a childbearing and child-rearing supporting system, with a number of  policies rolled out in localities across the country, including extending maternity leave to 158 days or longer, raising childbirth allowance and child-rearing subsidies, and providing more professional and affordable babysitter services at childcare institutions, Central China Television reported on Thursday, the 35th World Population Day, citing officials from China's National Health Commission (NHC). 

A demographer suggested that these policy measures should be further strengthened and added to cope with the fundamental concerns of young people, such as employment stability while more equitable income distribution, should be taken into consideration to boost China's birth rates. 

Themed under advocating a focus on family education and traditions and cultivation of marriage and child-rearing by the NHC, this year's population day aims to raise public awareness about further addressing China's declining birth rates in recent years and the demographic issues that may affect China's sustainable development. 

According to the NHC, all provinces have extended maternity leave by 60 days or more, and have set 15 days of paternity leave for families with newborns. In addition, five to 20 days of parental leave are given each year for families with toddlers, with all the provinces having extended their maternity leaves to 158 days or above. 

Compared with merely extending maternity leave, assuring women's employment after childbirth while offering flexible working hours may have a stronger positive effect, Li Jianmin, a professor of demography with the Institute of Population and Development at Nankai University, told the Global Times on Thursday. 

In order to alleviate the financial burden of childbearing, child-rearing and education, China established in 2022 the individual income tax special additional deduction for infants nursing for three years, with the deduction standard being 1,000 yuan ($137.53) per month for each child. In 2023, the threshold for special additional income tax deductions for taking care of children under age three was raised from 1,000 yuan to 2,000 yuan each month. 

Besides, subsidy policies for childbirth and child-rearing have been explored and rolled out in localities across the country. The subsidies offered in Southwest China's Yunnan Province and Northwest China's Ningxia Hui Autonomous Region have covered the entire provincial regions.  

Yunnan provides a one-time subsidy of 2,000 yuan and 5,000 yuan to families having a second and third child, respectively, along with an annual childcare subsidy of 800 yuan until the child turns three years old. Ningxia offers a one-time subsidy of 2,000 yuan and 4,000 yuan to families having a second and third child, respectively, and a monthly subsidy of no less than 200 yuan to families with a third child until the child reaches three years old. 

According to Li, rather than introducing the individual income tax special additional deduction which has little impact on low-income families, the root cause of high costs of child-rearing expenses and the problems relating to income distribution must be addressed. 

Moreover, a unified national policy on subsidies should be introduced since governments in localities at all levels are currently acting according to their own financial capabilities with most subsidies being temporary and not being able to be sustained in the long run, Li said. 

According to the NHC, a lack of childcare services for infants and toddlers aged up to three years old is one of the major factors holding back childbirth. Last year, the NHC and China's National Development and Reform Commission selected 33 cities as the first batch of demonstration cities for national infant and toddler childcare service, and introduced relevant policies to support and encourage the development of affordable childcare services.

One of the 33 demonstration cities, Nanjing in East China's Jiangsu Province has adopted measures such as offering financial subsidies, providing venues, reducing rents and giving tax incentives to encourage social forces to participate in the establishment of an affordable childcare service system. 

On top of that, Li noted that policies that ensure stable employment and certainty around income will have positive effect on their family planning decisions. 

China continues to make efforts to improve comprehensive prevention and treatment capabilities for birth defects with the nationwide infant mortality rate and the mortality rate of children under 5 years old due to birth defects both decreasing by over 30 percent compared with five years ago. 

Japan bringing NATO into Asia increases uncertainty to region

Japan and NATO are reportedly finalizing plans to establish a line for sharing highly confidential security information during the ongoing NATO summit in Washington, DC. This latest move, along with Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida's remarks implying China's "support" for Russia, underscores Japan's "pivotal role" to cater to the US' strategy in building an "Asian NATO" and to serve Japan's goal of breaking free from post-war restrictions, observers said.

Japan's introduction of NATO into the Asia-Pacific has drawn criticism for escalating regional instability and introducing uncertainty, with some experts expressing concerns about a potential arms race.

Kishida is expected to meet with NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg to reach an agreement on Thursday to strengthen security cooperation by establishing a system on sharing high-level information even at ordinary times, The Japan News reported on Wednesday.

From Tuesday to Thursday, leaders of NATO's 32 member countries are conducting a three-day summit in Washington, DC. And for the third year in a row, the leaders of New Zealand, Japan and South Korea will attend the NATO summit.

"Japan has played a pivotal role in driving NATO's engagement in the Asia-Pacific and integrating the region into NATO's strategic framework. It has facilitated NATO's entry into the Asia-Pacific through various means and assisted the US in establishing cooperative relationships with neighboring countries," Xiang Haoyu, a research fellow at the China Institute of International Studies, told the Global Times on Wednesday.

Japan's enhanced cooperation with NATO serves two primary objectives: to leverage NATO's capabilities in countering China, especially in maritime disputes like the East China Sea and South China Sea, and to circumvent its constitutional constraints by pursuing unprecedented military expansion. This aims to shed Japan's status as a defeated nation in WWII and elevate its influence as a significant political power, Xiang said.

Hyping threats from North Korea, Russia and China, along with emphasizing the Taiwan question and maritime disputes is tactics that Kishida has taken to "persuade" the Japanese to back his plan to revise the pacifist constitution, bolster the defense budget and elevate cooperation with NATO, Da Zhigang, director of the Institute of Northeast Asian Studies at the Heilongjiang Provincial Academy of Social Sciences, told the Global Times.

In July 2023, Japan and NATO signed the renewed Individually Tailored Partnership Program, with both sides agreeing to expand cooperation on security issues across all domains of warfare. Also in recent years, Japan has been negotiating and signing new reciprocal access agreements (RAA) on defense training and capacity building with NATO member states, according to media reports.

The US is currently pushing for the convergence of the transatlantic NATO alliance and the Asia-Pacific alliance to align with its "Indo-Pacific strategy," collectively applying pressure on China to curb its rise. However, with its global resources spread thin and domestic factors like elections influencing its leadership, the US is also utilizing Japan's proactive engagement with NATO to achieve its strategic objectives, Xiang said.

Despite NATO's efforts to use the pivot to the Asia-Pacific as a catalyst to demonstrate its global influence, establishing an Asian version of NATO, which includes Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand or other countries - faces significant challenges in practice, analysts said.

Xiang noted that the diverse interests and demands of NATO's 32 member countries lead to substantial divisions on how to approach China. While NATO requires external threats to maintain internal unity as a military alliance, member states do not universally agree on whether China poses such a threat. Moreover, many countries maintain strong economic and trade ties with China, constraining NATO's focus on the Asia-Pacific region.

But NATO's expansion to Asia is also alarming. At a press conference on Wednesday, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lin Jian said that China's position on NATO is consistent.

We firmly oppose NATO acting beyond its characterization as a regional defensive alliance, inserting itself into the Asia-Pacific to incite confrontation and rivalry, and disrupting the prosperity and stability in this region. We urge NATO to make real contribution to world peace, stability and security, Lin said.

Da said that with NATO's increased involvement in the Asia-Pacific region and its heightened containment efforts against China, particularly concerning issues like the South China Sea and Taiwan Straits, China may face a deteriorating external environment.

Japan's efforts to introduce external influences into the Asia-Pacific have been criticized for increasing regional instability and introducing uncertainty. Their collaboration with NATO often prioritizes military aspects, thereby heightening the risk of arms races, Da said.

Moreover, when countries in a region shift their focus away from multilateral cooperation, free trade and regional welfare and development, instead prioritizing military buildup and mutual deterrence, it ultimately harms the region itself, said the expert.

GT investigates: US State Department's support for Manila full of contradictions, serves to further militarize South China Sea

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken is set to head to the Philippines on Tuesday to reinforce the American-Philippine alliance through cooperation and security matters, following a recent trade mission there by US Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo. This is seen as the latest move in US intervention in the South China Sea issue.

But is the US support for the Philippines really as well-meaning and valuable as it appears? The answer may disappoint many Filipino politicians.

The US' cliché statements act more as a "betrayal of its ally," as it hyperbolizes the Philippines' illegally grounded military vessel at Ren'ai Jiao (also known as the Ren'ai Reef) in South China Sea as a "longstanding outpost," leading to further militarization of the South China Sea and adding fuel to the already tense situation in the region.

Nevertheless, many Filipino officials still see the US' empty promises as a lifeline, exposing their political naivety, analysts said.

This investigative piece will expose the logical flaws, contradictions, danger signals, and perfunctory attitudes replete in the US' statements. Some have even been described by Chinese analysts as "stupid and counterproductive" in relation to Philippine interests and will be an indelible and ugly historical record in US maritime legal practice.
Unprecedentedly malevolence

In its recent statements issued in October and December 2023, and March this year, the US State Department employed a surprising characterization - a "longstanding outpost" - to describe a military vessel that the Philippines illegally "grounded" at Ren'ai Jiao 25 years ago.

"Such a description is extremely symbolic because this is equivalent to making a dangerous characterization of the nature of this territory," said Yang Xiao, deputy director of the Institute of Maritime Strategy Studies at China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations. "It has explicitly exposed the US' malevolence in its attempt to undermine peace in the South China Sea region."

The first time that the term "longstanding outpost" appeared was in an October 2023 statement, which said: "Obstructing supply lines to this longstanding outpost and interfering with lawful Philippine maritime operations undermines regional stability." The whole sentence reappeared in another statement in December 2023. The latest statement in March reads: "We condemn the PRC's repeated obstruction of [the] Philippine vessels' exercise of high seas freedom of navigation and its disruption of supply lines to this longstanding outpost."

"Outpost" is a military term that typically refers to a small military base or settlement located in a remote or strategic location. ChatGPT gave some examples of how US media sources have used the word in their news stories, such as "US Military Outpost in Syria Attacked by Pro-Assad Forces (The New York Times)," "US Troops Evacuate Outpost in Iraq amid Rising Tensions (Washington Post)," and "Al Qaeda Fighters Launch Attack on US Outpost in Yemen (Fox News)."

The US has used the word "outpost" only in "anti-terrorism wars" in recent years. "Obviously, building an 'outpost' at Ren'ai Jiao, viewing from the country's state department statement, implies a military action," Yang said.

Therefore, calling the Philippine vessel at Ren'ai Jiao a "longstanding outpost" in defiance of historical facts implies that the US has made clear its support for the Philippines' actions to promote militarization of the South China Sea, Yang told the Global Times.

"I don't know if the US government is aware of the significant implications of their words, or if it was released without careful review. We are truly concerned about the professionalism of US government officials and the standards of their work processes," Yang noted.

The extreme and irresponsible attitude of the US will undermine the current situation of the South China Sea as a sea of peace, friendship and cooperation. It presents a clear opposition to China and ASEAN members' efforts to promote the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea, betrays the principles and positions of navigation safety as well as the demilitarization in the South China Sea. It completely exposes who is the true troublemaker in the South China Sea region, according to the expert.

Embarrassingly self-contradictory

Ironically, the description of "longstanding outpost" appears to have put the Philippines in an awkward position.

In the statements, the US has repeatedly claimed its support for "the 2016 arbitration" and called Ren'ai Jiao a "low-tide elevation."

According to the so-called arbitration, some islands and reefs in the South China Sea, including Ren'ai Jiao (known as the Second Thomas Shoal in the West), are low-tide elevations or high tide features that "cannot be appropriated or subjected to sovereignty claims."

Not to mention that the Philippine government has not officially claimed Ren'ai Jiao as its sovereign territory. In a recent story by the Philippine News Agency, Raphael Hermoso, deputy assistant secretary of the Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs, called Ren'ai Jiao (Ayungin in the Philippines) "a low-tide elevation within the Philippines' exclusive economic zone and continental shelf." That to some extent reflected the country's "official definition" of Ren'ai Jiao.

Therefore, we can see that US State Department's statements are contradictory in the country's stance over Ren'ai Jiao's sovereignty, Yang said, noting that building military installations out of one's sovereignty is an obvious act of war, which has clearly exposed the Philippines' evil attempts to militarize the South China Sea region.

Observers said that the US statements are apparently putting the Philippines in an embarrassing situation. This also makes the international community see more clearly the US' conspiracy to incite and escalate tensions in the region.

Perfunctory lip service

The US' stance on the Philippines is also extremely perfunctory.

Since the new government of the Philippines took office in May 2022, the US State Department spokesperson has issued nine statements on South China Sea disputes. Eight of them conspicuously bear the same title that reads "US support for the Philippines in the South China Sea."

These statements are repetitive and obsolete, basically focusing on three ungrounded points: Accusing China of not accepting the illegal international arbitration decision issued in July 2016, accusing China of "infringing on the Philippines' freedoms of navigation," and mentioning the 1951 US-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty.

Experts say that these statements are very limited in scope. "The US State Department has almost no substantive power in the security cooperation mechanisms with other countries which involves military actions, information assistance, material support, and many other aspects. In the long-term operation of US politics, the actual role of the State Department in foreign affairs is very limited," Yang told the Global Times.

The recently deceased Henry Kissinger, while serving as Nixon's national security advisor, skillfully bypassed the State Department and completed the most shocking diplomatic action since the Cold War - the normalization of US-China relations.

The more crucial support for foreign entities is generally provided by the US National Security Council and the US Department of Defense, including the US Department of Homeland Security. All substantive measures taken by the US must also come from the White House, explained Yang.

"Take the recent example of the statement from US President Joe Biden on Coalition Strikes in Houthi-Controlled Areas in Yemen issued on January 11 as an example. Such actions require long-term international coordination and preparation, multiple rounds of shuttle diplomacy by the Secretary of State, the use of the president's special powers, and subsequent approval from Congress. What's more, even for non-governmental organizations like the Houthi armed forces in Yemen, the US has rallied together with the UK, Australia, Bahrain, Canada, and the Netherlands, and went through a complicated process, not to mention in the South China Sea," Yang said.

In light of this, it is truly ridiculous for a few Filipino politicians to be jubilant, grateful, and verbose to rely on perfunctory verbal support from the US State Department, Yang said.

The contradictory, rough, and provocative statements from the US obviously stand in stark contrast to China's rational and restrained attitude in the South China Sea.

On March 7, 2024, Member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and Foreign Minister Wang Yi once again elaborated on China's position on the issue of the South China Sea when he met the press during the just concluded two sessions.

Wang said that on maritime disputes, China has been exercising a high degree of restraint. China maintains that parties should find solutions that are acceptable to one and all by working in the spirit of good neighborliness and friendship, and on the basis of respecting historical and legal facts. But abusing such good faith should not be allowed. Distorting maritime laws cannot be accepted.

In the face of deliberate infringements, China will take justified actions to defend its rights in accordance with the law. In the face of unwarranted provocation, China will respond with prompt and legitimate countermeasures, said Wang.

China also urges certain countries outside this region not to make provocations, take sides, or stir up trouble in the South China Sea, Wang stressed.

ICRC welcomes support from China, to take cooperation in humanitarian areas to new level: ICRC vice president

Editor's Note:

After seven months of conflict in Gaza, a cease-fire still seems distant. Meanwhile, the Palestine-Israel conflict is causing ripple effects across the region, and has led to major humanitarian crises. The international community, including China, is making efforts to alleviate the humanitarian crises.

What's the situation on the ground in Gaza? How does the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) view the humanitarian efforts that China has made on the global stage? Global Times reporters Xie Wenting, Zhao Juecheng, and Liu Caiyu (GT) spoke with ICRC's vice-president Gilles Carbonnier (Carbonnier) about these issues and more.
GT: What's the work the ICRC has conducted in the Gaza Strip? What are the major challenges facing the ICRC?

Carbonnier: We reminded the parties to the conflict of their obligations under the Geneva Conventions and stressed the importance of adhering to international humanitarian laws. Next to that, we provide assistance in Gaza and we do our utmost to provide food assistance, especially at present. We have set up kitchens in the refugee camps in Gaza to provide food to the most vulnerable people. We also provide water through water tracking and support the water board and water utility in repairing wells, water pumping stations, and restoring water and wastewater treatment to prevent epidemics. Finally, we support hospitals and medical centers with drugs and medicines among others in Gaza.

The first issue, which we have mentioned again and again, is that it is key to reduce civilian losses and civilian suffering by abiding by and respecting international humanitarian law. Under international humanitarian law, civilians and essential goods and services must be protected. Another priority for us is to bring enough support to help avert major health issues, so that people can access healthcare, injured individuals can be treated, and epidemics can be averted, ensuring sick people have access to medical assistance.

However, there is a challenge as most of the health system in Gaza is not functioning or has been impaired, making it difficult to bring drugs into Gaza and distribute them to the different health centers that are still operational due to security concerns and logistical hurdles.

Food security is also a major concern. Currently, it is a struggle to bring enough food into Gaza, and the production of vegetables, poultry, and other food items has been partially destroyed.

We welcome the repeated support of China for the respect of the Geneva Conventions and international humanitarian law. We also welcome China's support to help provide life-saving assistance, including medicines and other life-saving assistance in Gaza for those most in need. China has a very important role to play, all the way from being a member of the UN Security Council down to the provision of and support for medical assistance.

GT: How do you see the ongoing conflicts affecting the world? And personally do you think there is any solution to these conflicts?

Carbonnier: First, conflicts are becoming increasingly protracted, spanning generations. It is clear that there are no humanitarian solutions to these crises, only political ones. Therefore, we must identify the necessary political steps toward conflict resolution. However, peace and security are becoming more elusive as finding a solution becomes increasingly difficult.

Interestingly, the initial steps often involve humanitarian efforts, such as attempting to establish a humanitarian cease-fire. The ICRC serves as a neutral intermediary, able to communicate with all parties involved. It is crucial to maintain this space for neutral and impartial humanitarian actors like the ICRC, as they can facilitate dialogue with various parties in conflicts.

Sometimes the parties agree that they want to start a discussion between themselves and they ask us as a neutral intermediary to ensure the safe passage of, for instance, one party to the conflict, to be able to go to a place where they can meet and discuss. We provide this neutral intermediation. Sometimes this neutral intermediation that we do is the first step that provides an enabling environment for peace conversations.

The problem nowadays is that we see a lot of attacks against neutral humanitarian actors. Some people say, if you are not with us, you are against us. We say we are not against anyone, but we have to maintain a neutral role. And we will not publicly denounce this party to the conflict or that party to the conflict because if we publicly denounce different parties to the conflict every day, then we would be kicked out. And the international community would be left without a neutral intermediary on the ground. It is in the interest of major powers and the international community to preserve that space.

GT: Could you introduce some of the major cooperation between China and the ICRC?

Carbonnier: We have been present in China and have been cooperating with key stakeholders in China for many years. I believe we want to take this cooperation to a new level following the discussions and visit that President of the ICRC Mirjana Spoljaric had in September, 2023.

I believe that we can further our cooperation by engaging with the People's Liberation Army (PLA) and the Chinese government on international humanitarian law, as well as by working more practically with Chinese foreign aid, particularly in the medical sector.

We had conversations with the National Health Commission recently. We also had a meeting with the China medical teams which have been sent to African countries. We engaged with them to share our expertise and experiences in the humanitarian sector. We have also started conversations with the China International Development Cooperation Agency to explore opportunities for better cooperation in the future. We welcome Chinese humanitarian workers who are interested in working with us. We are currently working closely with the Red Cross Society of China.

What I see and am really glad about is that our own delegations, present in about 100 situations of conflict, engage with the Chinese embassies on the ground to have a dialogue on the humanitarian situation. This interaction is much more fluid now. We also have regular discussions with foreign affairs officials, where we can share our assessment of the situation in Africa and in approximately 60 countries along the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) where we are active.
GT: What's your take on the Global Security Initiative (GSI) and the Global Development Initiative (GDI)?

Carbonnier: I think with the GSI and the GDI provides clear guidance and perspectives that are of great interest to us. It also helps us to have a better understanding of foreign policy priorities for China.

Our understanding is indeed that China recognizes the interactions between security, development, and peace. I see common interests in that we work in protracted conflict situations. We aim to stop providing aid as soon as possible and instead provide sustainable humanitarian solutions. This includes providing people with seed capital and access to tools so they can generate income and regain dignity. We also aim to stop water trucking and repair wells and water pumping stations quickly so that major urban systems can function again, providing services to schools, hospitals, and other essential facilities.

I think we see an interaction between preserving development gains, even in conflict, and restoring them in order to provide people with opportunities as soon as possible. Once they have opportunities and income, the prospects for reconciliation and stability improve. The last point is that by promoting respect for international humanitarian law, we prevent the worst from happening. If we prevent the worst, people will reconcile more easily. If the worst has happened to your family, then hatred can pass from generation to generation.

The goal of the GSI and GDI is to preserve and promote sustainable development as a way to provide greater stability. In fragile situations, our efforts aim to restore livelihoods, preserve development gains, and prevent distractions and violations of international humanitarian law that could sow the seeds of further conflicts.

GT: I noticed that the ICRC is paying attention to the impact of AI in the military domain. What suggestions do you have to strengthen global governance cooperation on AI?

Carbonnier: For us, it's important to recognize that in situations of armed conflict, the potential of AI is like a magnifying glass. It can save lives and achieve great things, but the risks are also heightened, as it can lead to tragic humanitarian consequences. Therefore, we believe it is crucial to harness scientific and technological advances to provide a more impactful and effective response.

Currently, humanitarian needs are increasing while funding is decreasing, making it necessary to find ways to be more effective. Utilizing digital transformation through technology is a key part of achieving this impact.

However, the use of AI, especially in weapons and machine learning, raises significant concerns. We have called for the regulation of autonomous weapon systems to address these concerns swiftly, as technological advancements are outpacing the government's ability to regulate and govern these developments. We are worried that autonomous weapon systems powered by AI and machine learning could make life and death decisions without human control.

For us, it is critical to maintain human control over these decisions and human responsibility in accountability. We are also concerned about autonomous weapons, which have unpredictable consequences that even the designers and developers of the algorithm and products cannot anticipate. This is something that is unacceptable from an ethical standpoint, a legal standpoint, and a humanitarian standpoint. It is urgent. There are intergovernmental reflections on the global framework to govern AI at large, but also on the specificity of using AI in new warfare means and methods. This is a pressing issue that must be addressed by the international community.

GT: How do you view China's role in gathering representatives from regional countries and international organizations to promote prosperity and economic development in Asia?

Carbonnier: It is important to recognize the critical importance of China in the region. China has been booming for many years and has greatly contributed to reducing overall poverty rates and addressing development issues. The region has seen significant progress in economic development, science and technology, and diplomacy. It is crucial to have opportunities like the Boao Forum for Asia to engage in diplomatic discussions with political leaders on fundamental issues such as development, security, and stability that have global implications.

I have been coming regularly to China. I hope to come back to Boao certainly in 2025 and the years after that.

GT investigates: Who is real 'killer' of South China Sea ecosystem?

In recent years, in order to promote the scientific conservation and long-term sustainable use of global fishery resources, China has not only strictly implemented fishing moratorium policies in its territorial waters, but has also initiated voluntary fishing moratorium activities in certain international waters, setting a model for global marine ecological preservation through using innovative measures.

However, China's efforts are not always understood.

The Philippines and the US have consistently promoted negative narratives targeting China, leveling accusations of environmental destruction in the South China Sea and hinting at possible court action against China.

In a recent visit to the Philippines, the Global Times revealed that illegal fishing acts are evident in seafood markets across the Philippines, allowed by those people who smear China of illegally harvesting fish and sea life.

Despite existing law enforcement governing these illegal, destructive fishing practices, the lack of effective regulations still fuels the lingering of these practices in the Philippines, the Global Times found.
Endangered species on sale at Manila fish market

Dampa is one of the oldest and largest wet markets in Manila. Local Filipino vendors touted their fresh live groupers, snappers, and lobsters fishing from the South China Sea to Global Times reporters in simple Putonghua.

When the Global Times reporters inquired as tourists whether they could buy the endangered humphead wrasse, which has been banned in the Chinese market, the local vendor quietly led them to a secluded corner to show off his "rare goods" - a juvenile giant grouper with green and orange web-like patterns on its head.

There were no larger giant groupers available currently, only small ones on the market, he noted.

The humphead wrasse is a rare fish species which lives in and around islands across the South China Sea. It is one of the world's largest reef fish and is globally recognized as a rare species. In China, humphead wrasse is classified as a second-level protected animal. Illegal hunting, killing, purchasing, or selling of humphead wrasse can result in 5-10 years of imprisonment in severe cases.

A report titled "The Future of South China Sea Fisheries" released by the University of British Columbia in Canada shows that the populations of humphead wrasses and snappers in some areas of the South China Sea have declined by almost 100 percent over the past eight years alone.

However, in the Philippines, catching and selling these rare fish species is a quick way for some fishermen to get rich. Local vendors told the Global Times that the humphead wrasses they sell are caught near Palawan Island in the southern Philippines, carries a price of 5,500 pesos per kilogram ($336.48). For fishermen in the area with an average monthly income of only 3000 pesos, catching and selling this fish is a lucrative business.

Similar under the table selling is also seen in some other rare species in the South China Sea, with the most typical being China's nationally protected species, for instance, the giant clam, or tridacna.

A local source in the Philippines told Global Times that tridacna was available for purchase in an open wet market in the Philippines is still relatively rare as it is prohibited by Philippine law. However, if you find a black-market trader they will fulfill the need in their own way. "This phenomenon is particularly common in some provinces in the southern Philippines, where the government's regulations are weaker, and the illegal industry of poaching precious species is more accepted," the source said.

A report by the Wildlife Justice Commission notes that there has been a sharp rise in illegal harvesting of sea life in the Philippines since 2019. Most of the illegal hauls were shells that are stockpiled at coastal locations in Palawan, in open and apparently public spaces with little or no effort at concealment. Palawan is the only place in the Philippines where scientists have observed T. gigas clams in the wild, which along with Palawan's geographically remote location and access to the South China Sea, could account for it being a major stockpiling location.

According to the report, the market value of giant clam shells in the Philippines reportedly doubled to around 2,000 pesos per kilogram during the pandemic, providing local fishermen a greater economic incentive to snap up these giant clam shells.

Unfounded accusation in US institution's report

Although hunting rare marine species is common in the Philippines, the Philippine government, which should be responsible for a crackdown, was not criticized by Western countries that are usually keen on promoting environmental issues. On the contrary, several Western research institutions were even collaborating with Philippines to interfere in the political situation in the South China Sea, publishing ecological reports for the Philippine government to use as a tool to attack China.

In 2023, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) issued a report titled "Environmental Threats to the South China Sea." In the report, the Center claims that increased fishing, dredging, and land fill, along with giant clam harvesting in recent decades have taken a devastating toll on thousands of species found nowhere else on earth. Targeting China, the report argues that satellite imagery shows that at least 21,000 acres of reef in the South China Sea has been destroyed or damaged owing to Chinese activities. It further cites a report released by the Armed Forces of the Philippines Western Command (WESCOM), which blames Chinese maritime militia for the so-called severe environmental damage at Houteng Jiao and Xianbin Jiao in South China Sea.

According to scholars who are actually engaged in ecological surveys and research in the South China Sea, many conclusions in this report are based on little to know scientific data.

Chen Xiao, a professor at the College of Marine Sciences at South China Agricultural University, who has participated in China's ecological field surveys in the South China Sea on several occasions, told the Global Times that China has conducted ecological environment field surveys in the South China Sea for years, and he almost goes to dive and observe the coral reefs in the South China Sea islands and reefs every year. "The current widespread coral reef degradation issue is very complex, more are due to natural factors such as coral bleaching and outbreaks of coral predators caused by a rise in global temperature," he said.

Scholars from China and many other countries around the world have been paying close attention to the adverse effects of global climate change on coral populations worldwide.

"In recent years, the South China Sea region has experienced unusually high temperatures, leading to serious coral bleaching on some islands and reefs in the South China Sea. It has become a consensus in the academic community that climate change will result in large-scale coral mortality," Chen said.

However, ironically, climate change is directly related to carbon emissions, which the US has consistently refused to adhere to global agreements to control. Washington, however, has placed significant effort into actively hyping and politicizing ecological issues in the South China Sea.

Researchers involved in relevant studies told the Global Times that the causes of ecological damage in the South China Sea are complex, and that ecological conditions fluctuate. In the actual scientific research process, it is often difficult to pinpoint the specific reasons for ecological damage, and it requires countries in the South China Sea region to work together to address this issue. However, whether it is US or Filipino media reporting, they all bypass the scientific exploration process and directly blame China.

The Global Times found that although reports from some independent academic institutions in the West have repeatedly pointed out that the Philippines' lacking sound domestic fisheries protection laws and limited enforcement methods has led to severe damage to the South China Sea's ecology due to its extensive fishing activities, the report from the Center for Strategic and International Studies in the United States, based on ideology and national interests, only targets China and Vietnam for criticism, while completely ignoring problems in the Philippines.
Profiting from industrial chaos

In the Philippines, products labeled as "South Sea, wild, pure natural" are often the most favored by tourists from a number of countries.

Taking pearls as an example, Global Times reporters noticed that at the Ninoy Aquino International Airport in Manila that the counters specializing in selling pearl products were the most crowded places for tourists, with "wild pearls from the South Sea" prominently displayed. The price of wild pearls is almost five times that of cultured pearls of the same type.

Stable demand and high prices have led more and more Filipinos to turn to sea hunting. But at the same time, poor harvesting practices, limited technology, loose regulatory system, and destructive fishing methods means profits come at a heavy ecological cost.

The Philippines is a major fishing country, with much of its fisheries production consumed locally. Heavy fishing pressure has led to the decline of both municipal and coastal fisheries and destructive fishing methods such as poison, cyanide and blast fishing often occur in its coastal waters.

Sodium cyanide is a toxic chemical compound that many fisherman in the Philippines, Sri Lanka, and Indonesia (the largest exporters of tropical fish) crush and dissolve in squirt bottles to spray on the fish - and the reef and all the other marine life in the vicinity. Stunned, the target fish can then easily be scooped up. Philippines' live reef-fish exports are one of the biggest sources for the international market.

It does, however, kill the coral reefs where the fish breed and live. Still, impoverished rural fishermen, who are paid by the number of fish they catch, say they cannot afford to think of the future.

In addition, a fishing method that has long been outlawed in China - blast fishing - is also quite common in the Philippines. A Chinese fisherman who has been engaged in fishing operations in the South China Sea for many years told the Global Times that there is indeed a phenomenon of fish bombing among Filipino fishermen, though it's not that common.

A Chinese fisherman told the Global Times that he has encountered the cases in the Liyue and Houteng Jiao reefs located around Nansha Islands of China.

"Many Filipino fishermen use octopus boats to fish at sea. These fishing boats are not suitable for long-distance voyages, so blast fishing is more widely seen in nearby areas," the Chinese fisherman said.

Zhou Zhuocheng, a senior aquatic biologist from China Fisheries Association, believes that the lack of laws and regulations for the protection of wildlife indirectly allows for destructive fishing practices in the Philippines. The delay in the enactment of the relevant law in wildlife protection has been prolonged, leaving many fishermen ignorant. This will inevitably lead to a situation where Chinese fishermen are doing their upmost to protect rare species in the disputed waters of the South China Sea, but fishermen from countries such as the Philippines in the South China Sea are still hunting recklessly, which will only lead to the continued deterioration of the South China Sea ecosystem, he said.

"Previously, the Philippines enjoyed productive cooperation with China in the protection of rare species in the entire South China Sea, and both sides made good progress in the conservation of the South China Sea ecosystem. Unfortunately, these efforts have not been continued under the current Philippine government. As a researcher in the aquaculture industry, I feel deep regret over this development," Zhou said.

Travel searches for Cuba surge 10 times after visa-free policy announced, direct flights with China to resume

Online travel searches for Cuba have skyrocketed after Cuba announced a visa-free policy for Chinese citizens in early May.

Direct flights are set to resume from Friday. The surge in tourists' interest showcased an optimistic outlook for personnel exchanges and economic vitality between China and Cuba, analysts said.

As of Thursday, online travel searches for Cuba were up nearly 10 times month-on-month, according to data that Fliggy, a China-based travel platform, sent to the Global Times on Thursday.

Searches for flight tickets from China to Cuba skyrocketed more than 30 times on a monthly basis.

As the summer vacation - from early July to early September - for Chinese students approaches, Fliggy expects a surge of Chinese tourists going to Cuba, marking the first peak since the visa exemption for Chinese citizens was announced on May 4.

Tickets for direct flights from Beijing, China's capital city to Havana, Cuba's capital city, are on sale on some Chinese travel platforms. Such tickets cost about 7,800 yuan ($1,080) on travel platform Qunar.

The flights, which open on Friday, will operate twice a week. They were suspended during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The rise of Chinese tourists, with their increasing spending power, is expected to boost Cuba's economic development, Zhou Mi, a senior research fellow at the Chinese Academy of International Trade and Economic Cooperation, told the Global Times on Thursday.

"Businesspeople will also utilize the direct air route for easier access to Cuba and even destinations in Latin American countries, which will further support economic and trade activities," Zhou said, adding that the resumption of the direct flight showcases the willingness for personnel exchanges between China and Cuba.

Cuba's economy has been under pressure for a long time, given the US economic sanctions and blockade on the movement of people, said Zhou.

The potential for increasing personnel exchanges and commercial cooperation between China and Cuba is huge, which will boost Cuba's economic development, Pan Deng, director of the Latin American and Caribbean Region Law Center of the China University of Political Science and Law, told the Global Times on Thursday.

"More frequent travel and business visits by Chinese citizens can also be expanded to other Latin American countries if they also develop favorable visa policies for Chinese travelers and business personnel," said Pan.

Shenzhen completes construction of 362 supercharging stations, surpassing gas station count

Shenzhen, in South China's Guangdong Province, has constructed 362 supercharging stations for new energy vehicles (NEVs) as of April 30, exceeding the number of traditional gas stations, according to the local development and reform commission. The number of charging ports in the city has also surpassed that of gas pumps, reflecting the positive trend in Shenzhen's NEV market development and the effective operation of its charging infrastructure.

The increase in the number of supercharging stations has notably boosted the charging efficiency of NEVs. Statistics from the Shenzhen Power Supply Bureau of China Southern Power Grid show that in the first quarter, Shenzhen saw a surge in NEV charging, reaching 670 million kilowatt-hours, marking a 10.9 percent year-on-year increase, indicating a thriving market for NEVs in Shenzhen.

For a household NEV, it usually takes 7 to 8 hours to fully charge using a standard charging pile, 1 to 2 hours using a fast charging pile, whereas with a supercharging pile, it can reach 80 percent or more in just 10 minutes or even less, enabling a "coffee break, fully charged and ready to go" scenario, significantly enhancing the charging experience.

On June 29, 2023, Shenzhen debuted its first fully liquid-cooled supercharging demonstration station and officially launched the "city of supercharging stations" initiative. At present, the supercharging service network has been preliminarily established across the city, with most stations leveraging existing public charging infrastructure and strategically situated in major commercial centers, bus terminals, industrial parks, and other key locations.

Under a plan for NEV supercharging facilities, Shenzhen aims to establish a globally cutting-edge infrastructure and versatile service system for supercharging facilities by the end of 2024. The plan also emphasizes advancing the interactive mechanism for electricity demand allocation, hastening coordination among enterprises, technologies, scenarios, and beyond.

Data shows that by the end of 2023, the number of NEVs in Shenzhen has surpassed 970,000, with NEVs constituting over 60 percent of new car sales. By the end of 2025, the scale of NEVs in Shenzhen is expected to reach 1.3 million units.

SPIEF 2024: Final Visiting Session in Costa Rica

The final visiting session of the 27th St. Petersburg International Economic Forum was recently held in San Jose, capital of the Republic of Costa Rica. On the Russian side, the discussion was attended by Alexander Stuglev, CEO of the Roscongress Foundation, and Yuri Bedzhanyan, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Russian Federation to the Republic of Costa Rica.

“The first country in Central America with which Russia established official contact was Costa Rica. This happened in 1872. Over more than 150 years of relations between the countries, a strong bond has been built up. Today our diplomatic and trade relations are full-fledged and at a high level. We see great prospects for the development of cooperation in the spheres of tourism, culture, investment and business,” noted Yuri Bedzhanyan. 

The Costa Rican delegation included representatives of companies from the agricultural industry, digital technologies and tourism. More than 10 senior executives and managers took part in the SPIEF visiting session. The discussion touched on bilateral business relations between the countries and demonstrated the business development opportunities for Costa Rican entrepreneurs that SPIEF offers. 

Alexander Stuglev commented: “We see a mutual interest in cooperation, the creation of partnerships and the development of international cooperation between our countries. That is why we are here today to tell you about the opportunities that SPIEF offers to Costa Rican businesses. Today, the forum is a bridge for creating new ties between entrepreneurs, it helps participants to find new partners and create interesting projects aimed at strengthening mutually beneficial relationships.”

Representatives of the Roscongress Foundation told the guests of the event in detail about the thematic areas of the forum and their formats, and then moved on to smaller scale negotiations.  

The 27th St. Petersburg International Economic Forum will take place on 5–8 June, 2024. 

The Roscongress Foundation is a socially oriented non-financial development institution and major organizer of nationwide and international conventions; exhibitions; and business, public, youth, sporting, and cultural events. It was established in pursuance of a decision by the President of the Russian Federation.

Solid fundamentals underpin longer-term stability of yuan

Asian currencies have come under pressure from a strong US dollar in recent days, with the yen at one point hitting a 34-year low against the greenback. The development raised concerns about another Asian financial crisis, and the impact on Chinese yuan has become a topic of discussion.

Amid other Asian currencies' volatility against the dollar, the yuan's performance demonstrates relative stability. Since the start of the year, the US Dollar Index has risen by about 4 percent, while the yuan has weakened by about 2 percent against the dollar at offshore currency markets.

But still, the yuan has remained relatively stable against other non-dollar currencies. According to the China Foreign Exchange Trade System (CFETS), the CFETS yuan exchange rate composite index, which measures the yuan's strength relative to a basket of currencies, reached 100.43 as of end-April, a 3.09 percent increase from the beginning of the year.

Exchange rates usually reflect the economic fundamentals of each country. To a certain extent, it is the resilience of the Chinese economy, the country's effective monetary policy and investor confidence in China's economic prospects that have jointly offered a solid foundation for the yuan's exchange rate.

In 2023, the Chinese economy grew by 5.2 percent year-on-year. In the first quarter of 2024, the GDP saw an unexpected growth of 5.3 percent year-on-year, indicating a strong start to the year. 

First-quarter fixed-asset investment was up 4.5 percent year-on-year, with high-tech sector investments rising 11.4 percent, meaning China's economy continues to gain momentum, coupled with improved growth quality.

China's total merchandise trade expanded by 5.7 percent year-on-year in yuan terms in the first four months this year, official customs data showed on Thursday. Exports rose by 4.9 percent, while imports climbed by 6.8 percent.

With China's very strong economic fundamentals, the yuan's relative weakness against the US dollar is unlikely to bring big shocks to the Chinese economy or the country's financial market.

The yuan has been buttressed by the market operations and policy guidance of China's central bank, for the purpose of fending off risks of possible exchange-rate volatility and keeping the yuan at a reasonable equilibrium level against other major currencies. 

If anything, the yuan's recent performance in a volatile global currency market is the best proof that China can resort to effective policy tools to withstand external shocks and maintain the relative stability of the yuan.

The yuan's rate will still be subject to multiple factors, including the global economic recovery, changes in major economies' monetary policies and international geopolitical conditions. 

However, the overall policy tone of seeking progress while maintaining stability in the financial sector, which could also suit the currency market, indicates that the yuan's exchange rate is expected to remain basically stable at a reasonable equilibrium level.

Maintaining the basic stability of the yuan represents stability, while the internationalization of the yuan represents progress. No matter how the external situation changes, it is believed that this general direction for the currency will not change.

The stability of the yuan's exchange rate not only reflects the steady development of the Chinese economy but also creates favorable conditions for its foreign trade and overall economic transformation and upgrading. With the steady growth of the Chinese economy and the gradual opening-up of the financial market, a relatively stable yuan is expected to continue to provide a strong support for the development of the Chinese economy.